“Being a progressive in America doesn’t equate to being a socialist, it means ending the corporate welfare state and putting the ‘fair’ back in the free market.”
- Savail Majid, Candidate for U.S. House of Representatives (NY-10)
The platform is dedicated to tackling the housing crisis head-on. It outlines specific, federal-level proposals aimed at creating a more equitable and accessible housing market for all, including new legislation to curb foreign ownership of housing and a comprehensive bill of rights to protect renters.
To combat artificial demand and absentee speculation, this bill would limit foreign nationals to the purchase of only one residential property in the United States, and only for personal use.
This proposal directly reduces speculative demand, curbs gentrification pressure, and makes more housing available and affordable to the people who actually live and work in our communities.
This legislation would establish national baseline protections for all renters, especially in properties receiving federal subsidies or tax incentives.
It's time for the ultra-wealthy and big corporations to pay their fair share. This part of my platform details my plans to create a more equitable economy by implementing policies that tax excess wealth and corporate profits, with the goal of funding essential services and programs that benefit all Americans.
I will push for a comprehensive overhaul of the corporate tax code that:
The current income-based tax system lets the ultra-wealthy off the hook. Many of the richest Americans report little to no income, despite controlling hundreds of millions to billions in assets. They use those assets as collateral to borrow at low interest rates, avoiding income taxes entirely. This isn’t a loophole, it’s a design failure.
We propose a Ultra-Wealthy tax equal to 1% plus the previous year’s GDP growth, as reported by a federal index (such as the Bureau of Economic Analysis). For example, if GDP grew by 2%, the tax would be 3% on total net worth for individuals with over $100 million in assets.
This is not radical, it’s a modest and responsive mechanism based on how the ultra-wealthy actually build wealth: faster than the economy itself. This tax simply ensures that when the country grows, those who benefit most also help sustain it.
The top 0.01% of U.S. households control over $18 trillion in wealth. Assuming an average GDP growth of 2–3%, the effective tax rate would hover around 3–4% annually, generating:
This revenue could fully fund or dramatically expand:
All without raising taxes on 99.9% of Americans and potentially lowering them!
This isn’t about punishment, it’s about preservation. If democracy is to survive, those who have gained the most from it must begin to invest back into it. This tax is a first step toward rebalancing a system that has long asked everything from working people and almost nothing from the top.
I believe our tax dollars should never be used to fund atrocities abroad while we face urgent needs at home. This is a clear stand against complicity in genocide, advocating for a policy that ensures our military aid is tied to meeting basic needs within our own borders.
I will not vote for any legislation—regardless of which party presents it—unless it includes clear and enforceable provisions to immediately end all economic and military aid to Israel and any other nation suspected of committing genocide, ethnic cleansing, or violations of international law.
No U.S. tax dollars shall go to any foreign government that stands in breach of these principles. The United States must finally end its complicity in war crimes and systemic oppression by halting all financial and military support to nations that violate fundamental human rights.
Real security means healthcare, childcare, education, housing, and food—not endless military spending. I will oppose increases to the Pentagon budget and fight to invest in Americans before foreign military aid.
For too long, Washington has poured billions into wars and weapons while neglecting working families. Our responsibility is clear: put people over profit, care over conflict, and redirect resources to what truly keeps us safe at home.
The current healthcare system is failing our communities. This section focuses on my mission to bring accountability and affordability back into healthcare, ensuring that every person has access to the quality medical care they deserve without fear of financial ruin.
While full healthcare reform remains a vital and long-term goal, one that will require changing the foundational thinking and intentions of both major parties, we cannot wait for those systemic shifts to begin improving people’s lives today.
In the meantime, we can take immediate, achievable steps by holding insurance companies accountable. Too often, they break the very promises embedded in their policies.
I will champion legislation that imposes serious financial penalties, and even criminal liability, on fiduciaries of health insurance companies who reject life-critical claims. These violations will be treated as status offenses, meaning that patients won’t need to go to court to prove harm. A simple rejection will be enough.
This isn’t about bureaucracy, it’s about survival. It's time someone stood up for the insured, not insurers.
While universal health care is the ultimate goal, we need immediate, tangible wins. Too many Americans are denied essential care, and urgent reforms are necessary. For now, health insurance will continue to exist as a private enterprise, but it cannot profit by denying care. To rebalance the system, I will introduce legislation to legally cap the allowable profit margin of private health insurance companies at 1.5% of total annual revenue, with a firm 2% ceiling. Excess profit would be redirected to national healthcare trust funds.
This proposal is both legal and an American ideal. Its legality is derived from the Commerce Clause, which gives Congress the power to regulate commerce that impacts public welfare.
To be American is to believe in markets, but also to recognize when the private sector threatens the public good. A modest cap on profit is a legal and moral measure to protect people. This proposal is not radical; most major insurers already operate within this range. The plan doesn't dismantle the business model; it formalizes what is already sustainable and aligns it with the public interest.
This reform would:
As it stands, the insurance industry often acts more like a parasite than an ally, siphoning money from suffering rather than preventing it. If the system is to remain private, it must act in the interest of the public good. A fair cap on profits is a vital step toward a healthcare system that works for everyone.
I am a firm supporter of the working class. My platform includes policies designed to strengthen labor unions, protect workers' rights, and ensure that wage earners have a powerful voice in the workplace through representation on corporate boards.
America’s economy is built on the backs of working people, yet workers have virtually no say in how major corporations are run. It’s time to change that. I will introduce a bill requiring legally mandated representation of non-executive, non-management employees on the boards of directors of all publicly traded companies, modeled after the doctrine of co-determination in countries like Germany.
This proposal is the most immediate, tangible, and accessible labor reform within today’s political climate, giving working people a seat at the table where decisions about wages, layoffs, safety, and job security are actually made.
Whether or not the bill passes, it will do something powerful: force every member of Congress to go on the record, to show whether they are truly committed to uplifting the working class or merely paying lip service. This is about transparency, accountability, and shifting the balance of power toward those who do the work, not just those who reap the rewards.
Corporate executives should have to look the very people they affect in the eye. Decisions about mass layoffs, stagnant wages, or speed-up policies feel different when the voices of workers are right there in the room. A disgruntled workforce is an inefficient workforce, and even worse is a fearful one. Shared power breeds better outcomes for morale, productivity, and justice alike.
And if corporations are to be treated as people under the law, then we must recognize that their soul is not found solely in the corner office, but in the collective heartbeat of their wage-earning workers. Any structure that excludes those workers from power is not only unjust, it is inhuman.
This isn’t about punishing success, it’s about protecting the people who make that success possible.
Our democracy should be a government of the people, not of powerful special interests. This plan details my commitment to reversing the Citizens United decision and implementing a constitutional amendment to put an end to the influence of dark money in our political system.
The Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision transformed our democracy into an open auction. In 2010, the Court ruled that corporations and other outside groups have the same First Amendment rights as individuals when it comes to political spending.
The result was threefold:
This ruling unleashed a flood of dark money that has warped the priorities of Congress, creating a political class more enamored with celebrity status than public service, and reserving meaningful access to those with immense wealth.
This is a profound breach of the unspoken social contract: that elected representatives act as fiduciaries of the public trust, required to exercise power and allocate resources solely for the benefit of the people, not as brokers selling that power to the highest bidder. Today, the benefits of that trust flow almost entirely in one direction: toward the consolidation of wealth, the deepening of political inequality, and the entrenchment of a permanent ruling class.
I will fight for a constitutional amendment to overturn Citizens United, establish full transparency in all political contributions, and eliminate dark money from federal elections. This means:
Our democracy cannot endure if electoral outcomes are determined by wealth rather than the will of the people. The federal government must once again be the beneficiary of the people’s trust, not the pawn of those who can afford to purchase it.
Monopolies stifle competition and drive up costs for everyday consumers. This part of my platform explains how I will fight to break up these powerful corporations to foster a more competitive market and bring down the costs of essential goods and services for families.
The affordability crisis isn’t bad luck, it’s the result of powerful corporations cornering markets, controlling supply chains, and setting prices with no real competition. When a handful of companies dominate an industry, prices go up, quality goes down, and small businesses get pushed out.
We see it everywhere: meatpacking giants driving up the cost of beef and chicken, an egg industry dominated by a few producers charging record prices during shortages, seed and pesticide monopolies like Monsanto keeping farmers dependent and prices high, and pharmaceutical companies blocking cheaper generics to protect their profits. This is why groceries cost more, why gas spikes without warning, and why prescription drugs are unaffordable for millions.
For farmers, monopolies are an existential threat. A small number of agribusiness giants now control the markets for seeds, feed, fertilizer, and the processors who buy their crops and livestock. This means farmers often have only one or two buyers to sell to and those buyers dictate the price. At the same time, monopolistic suppliers hike the cost of essential inputs, locking farmers into debt and dependency. It’s a squeeze from both ends: they’re paid less for what they produce, and they pay more for what they need to keep producing. This system destroys family farms, hollows out rural economies, and forces the next generation off the land.
Breaking up monopolies isn’t about punishing success it’s about making sure no company can strangle competition or squeeze working Americans, from grocery shoppers to the farmers who feed them.
Congress needs to join the fight, not leave it to regulators alone. I will push for legislation to:
History shows that when monopolies are broken up, consumers benefit. When the U.S. government forced the breakup of Standard Oil in 1911, energy prices fell, and innovation surged. When AT&T’s telephone monopoly was dismantled in 1984, competition drove down long-distance rates and fueled the telecom revolution. More recently, actions against tech giants and agribusiness monopolies have shown that challenging concentrated corporate power leads to lower costs and more choice. If we want lower prices on essentials like food, fuel, and medicine—and if we want farmers to earn a fair living for honest work, we must restore real competition and take the power back from the corporate giants who’ve rigged the market in their favor.